In the third edition of the “Voices with Impact” series, in which we interview professionals contributing to social transformation, we spoke with Dr. Flavio Comim, Dean of IQS School of Management, and Dr. Mihály Borsi, Head of the Department of Economics and Finance at IQS.
Both are promoting the new Observatory on Aporophobia (AporoLAB) and, together with other centers of Universitat Ramon Llull (URL) and representatives of civil society, participate in the organization of the International Conference on Aporophobia, whose fourth edition will take place next October.
In the interview, they discuss this phenomenon, its social implications, and the role of academia in understanding and addressing it.
The answers were prepared jointly by both professors.
1. Why is it important to continue creating spaces for academic and social reflection on aporophobia today?
Because aporophobia remains highly present, even though we often do not name it as such. It appears in the way we talk about people living in poverty, in the design of certain urban spaces, in the way vulnerability is judged, or even in how some people stop feeling part of the community.
It also emerges in more institutionalized and normalized ways: in differences in treatment within healthcare systems, in the time and attention devoted to certain individuals, in cumulative difficulties within educational systems, or in how some environments end up reproducing inequalities from an early age. We are not always speaking about explicit rejection, but rather about an accumulation of small barriers, distances, or forms of invisibilization that end up having very real effects.
All this takes place in a context in which social gaps continue to widen in many countries. Access to housing, labor precariousness, educational inequalities, or phenomena such as climate change may intensify certain vulnerabilities even further in the coming years.
2. From your own trajectories, what led you to become involved in the study and dissemination of aporophobia?
In our case, it was a combination of academic trajectory and personal experience. For years we worked on issues related to poverty and inequality, but we observed that there were very few studies focused specifically on attitudes toward poor people.
Aporophobia also has a particularly relevant characteristic: it is often normalized. There are discourses or decisions that would probably be unacceptable regarding other groups, but that are still socially tolerated when they affect people in vulnerable situations.
On a more personal level, our interest consolidated after the publication in 2017 of the book by Dr. Adela Cortina, Professor Emeritus of Ethics and Political Philosophy at the University of Valencia, coinciding with our incorporation into IQS-URL. From that moment on, we began working together on this research line.
In 2019, we formed a team with Dr. Octasiano Valerio and Dr. Georgina Curto and visited Dr. Adela Cortina and Dr. Jesús Conill in Valencia. Those conversations marked an important turning point. We found their philosophical contribution deeply inspiring, but we also saw the need to complement that approach from the perspective of development economics: moving toward a more applied framework, analyzing social and institutional dynamics, and above all, attempting to measure the phenomenon.
Another relevant element is that, at that time, there were barely any academic publications in English on aporophobia. It was a concept known in Spanish-speaking contexts, but with very limited international presence, which further reinforced our motivation to better study the phenomenon and generate public discussion around it.
“Aporophobia also has a particularly relevant characteristic: it is often normalized”

3. Aporophobia is not always visible. How does it manifest itself and why is it difficult to identify?
Because it is not always expressed as explicit hate. It often manifests as distance, indifference, mistrust, or blame. For example, when it is assumed that someone is poor because they did not work hard enough, or when poverty is interpreted solely as an individual failure.
It also appears in everyday situations: avoiding certain neighborhoods, rejecting certain labor profiles, rendering homeless people invisible, or associating vulnerability with insecurity. In addition, it often intersects with other factors such as origin, race, gender, or migration status.
In one of our recent works, we showed that perceptions toward a migrant person change significantly depending on whether that person is associated with economic success or with poverty. This suggests that, in many cases, rejection is directed less toward “the other” than toward whoever is perceived as poor.
This gives aporophobia a strong intersectional component and, at the same time, makes it especially difficult to identify, because it is often culturally embedded. There are prejudices that have become so normalized that they no longer appear to be prejudices.
4. Several studies suggest that aporophobia generates shame and self-contempt among those who suffer from it. What consequences does this have at both the personal and collective levels?
At the individual level, one of the harshest consequences is the loss of dignity and sense of belonging. When a person feels that they are a burden, worth less, or constantly need to justify themselves, this deeply affects their self-esteem and their relationships with others.
At the collective level, the consequences are equally important. A society in which certain groups are excluded from the “we” becomes more fragmented, more distrustful, and less cohesive. Aporophobia not only harms those who directly suffer from it; it also morally and socially impoverishes the community as a whole.
And what is the final result of all this? More social tension, more accumulated vulnerability, and, in many cases, a stronger sense of injustice and exclusion. When certain individuals feel they are not part of society or that the system constantly leaves them behind, the risks of social fracture, conflict, or even certain forms of violence and crime linked to persistent exclusion dynamics also increase.
From an economic perspective, the cost is also significant. Not only because of the impact on public systems, but because a society that wastes talent and reproduces structural inequalities becomes less productive, less innovative, and less cohesive in the long term.
“Aporophobia not only harms those who directly suffer from it; it also morally and socially impoverishes the community as a whole”
5. What role do economic, social, and cultural structures play in reproducing this phenomenon?
A fundamental one. Aporophobia does not arise solely from individual attitudes; it is nourished by social narratives surrounding success, merit, or economic usefulness. These narratives tend to value people according to their capacity to produce or consume, generating an especially harsh perspective toward those excluded from such parameters. Poverty may thus be perceived as a moral failure, ignoring the life trajectories and structural inequalities behind it.
These dynamics are reflected both in discourse and institutional practices: unequal access to services, segmented educational systems, representations of poverty in the media, or even the language we use. It is not the same to speak about “vulnerable” people as to treat them as if they were a threat or a burden.
Governments and public policies also play a key role, both positively and negatively. In some contexts, certain measures end up criminalizing poverty or expelling it from public space. One example is Hungary, Borsi’s country of origin, where a state ordinance approved in 2018 penalized living or sleeping in public spaces, sending a very clear message about who belongs and who is excluded.
These dynamics are not isolated. They can be observed in different parts of the world through processes of spatial segregation or what is known as “anti-poor architecture”: urban designs, physical barriers, or public furniture intended to limit the presence of vulnerable individuals in public spaces, as well as peripheral areas concentrating exclusion.
Brazil, Comim’s country of origin, constitutes another significant case. It is no coincidence that it is one of the countries where aporophobia has been most intensely reflected upon. Deep historical inequalities have produced structures and institutions consolidating specific spaces of exclusion, such as favelas, where poverty not only implies social marginalization but also territorial stigmatization and even criminalization. In such contexts, poverty ceases to be perceived as a social issue and instead becomes treated as a threat that must be kept away from certain spaces.
Moreover, the current context may intensify these dynamics. Rising living costs, labor precariousness, housing crises, or the impact of climate change may widen social gaps and generate more fragmented societies if not properly addressed.
Therefore, it is not enough to appeal to individual empathy. It is necessary to revise discourses, public policies, forms of communication, and institutional dynamics. Because, ultimately, aporophobia is not only about poverty, but about the kind of society we consider acceptable.
“It is not enough to appeal to individual empathy. It is necessary to revise discourses, public policies, forms of communication, and institutional dynamics”
6. What role should universities – and particularly Jesuit institutions – play?
Universities in general bear a major responsibility: first, to investigate and promote debate on this issue, since the organization of societies, including institutions and social policies, is deeply influenced by aporophobia.
In the case of Jesuit institutions, whose identity and mission are committed to those who suffer most in society and to people living in poverty, this issue acquires even greater relevance, becoming part of the objectives guiding our work.
Therefore, both universities in general and Jesuit institutions in particular must commit to concrete actions that help reduce aporophobia, not only within their academic environments but also beyond them, as an expression of their public mission.

7. How is this commitment articulated at IQS-URL?
The International Conference on Aporophobia is a clear example. From the beginning, it has not been conceived as a conventional academic conference, but rather as a space for dialogue between academia and social organizations, with a strong vocation for impact.
These conferences have managed to involve numerous academics from different areas of IQS and the broader URL network. They have become a unique initiative resulting from collaboration between IQS, Fundació Pere Tarrés, Blanquerna, ESADE, La Salle, the Borja Institute of Bioethics, Vidal i Barraquer, and ESDI, together with highly relevant social organizations such as Arrels, Cáritas, ASSÍS, Cristianisme i Justícia, Jesuïtes Socials, and the “la Caixa” Foundation.
From its origin, the conference has had a deeply socially committed DNA. Along the same lines, the creation of the Observatory on Aporophobia (AporoLAB), promoted by IQS-URL in collaboration with the “la Caixa” Foundation, also stands out. This project includes the participation of Dr. Pilar Muro, PhD in Psychology, and aims to advance the generation of nationwide statistics on aporophobia, while studying its causes and dynamics from an interdisciplinary perspective, generating indicators and comparable analyses and contributing to public debate and evidence-based policy design.
“The conference has had a deeply socially committed DNA”
8. What lessons stand out from previous editions?
The main lesson is that the scope of debates on aporophobia is extraordinarily broad. It is not only an interdisciplinary field, encompassing economics, statistics, health, education, law, social work, psychology, and philosophy, but also one with the capacity to inspire very concrete actions of interest not only to academia and social organizations, but also to the public sector and the business world.
This applied dimension of aporophobia has emerged clearly and consistently throughout all conferences.
Likewise, a growing volume of conceptual and reflective knowledge has been generated, capable of guiding public policies and contributing to greater public awareness.
Ultimately, aporophobia is a form of discrimination with deep and long-lasting social implications, and its study increasingly challenges and concerns us all.
9. What impact do you expect from this fourth edition?
This fourth edition will be special for many reasons. One of them is the presentation of the first national survey of aporophobia indicators, together with a map of aporophobia in Spain. This represents the first result of the research we are developing at AporoLAB, with the support of the “la Caixa” Foundation and IQS, which will analyze a broad set of measures related to aporophobia and their relationship with key aspects of social policy in Spain.
Generating this evidence is especially necessary given the high underreporting of aporophobia in official data, particularly when addressed from the perspective of hate crimes.
In addition, this edition will consolidate the network of researchers on aporophobia, AporoNET, as a meeting space for all those interested not only in studying the phenomenon but also in seeking real solutions at every level.
“Measuring aporophobia is a key step to effectively address it”
10. If you had to convey one key idea to the IQS community about this topic, what would it be?
That aporophobia is not only about poor people; it is also about those who are not poor and about how they react to vulnerability, exclusion, or inequality.
We sometimes think poverty is solely an economic issue, when in reality it also has a profoundly social and relational dimension. The way a society looks at, treats, or judges people in vulnerable situations says a great deal about its collective values.
For this reason, combating aporophobia is not only about helping those with fewer resources, but also about questioning prejudices, discomforts, and discourses that we have often normalized without realizing it. Ultimately, it is about building a fairer, more cohesive, and more humane society.
There is probably no better place to begin this critical and honest reflection than the university: a place where it is still possible to question established narratives, connect knowledge with social commitment, and educate people, not only professionals.
“Building a more just society also involves examining our own perspectives”